Humans are a strange species. They not only bother about themselves but also about their surroundings. They want their surroundings to be conducive to their own interests. In case they find them different, they pursue for their change. Sometimes they presume them to be of their own liking. There is however, a limit to every thing. Man has to be objective, otherwise facts manifest themselves in crude manner and shatter him. Plans based on false presumption crumble. In spite of this, there are some who refuse to be objective.
Indian establishment seems to be one among those. It presumed Pathans to be different from rest of the Muslims. Reason for this presumption was a wish to annex North West Frontier Province. According to Nehru, whosoever controlled Khyber Pass became master of India’s destiny. Despite having a Muslim majority in 1947, NWFP was not allowed to join Pakistan directly. Congress asked for a referendum to ascertain wishes of the Pathans. British imperialists readily obliged India and conducted a referendum in NWFP. India was defeated and Pathans decided to join Pakistan. Anticipating a defeat, Sarhadi Gandhi, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (1890-1988) boycotted the referendum. He wanted the third option for independent Pakhtoonistan. It was neither granted nor accepted by majority of the Pathans. Even after defeat and results contrary to its expectations, Indian believed that Pathans are different from rest of the Muslims and they will secede from Pakistan. For this purpose, they asked Ghaffar Khan to agitate for secession and helped him with money and pamphlets. This help reached Ghaffar Khan through a Kashmiri lady Tajdar Babar. The lady used to shuttle between Baramulla and Peshwar . Mrs. Tajdar Babar was later on rewarded for her services and appointed Chief of Delhi Metropolitian Corporation.
Indian presumption regarding Pathans got erased only after Ayub Khan’s ascendance to power. Ayub Khan belonged to NWFP . He gave sleepless nights to India during 1965 war and made them realistic. “The realism of the Indian establishment however remained confined to reappraisal of their approach towards Pathans. Their approach towards Kashmir did not change. They presumed Kashmiris to be a different breed of Muslims. The group which professes Sufism and are unlikely to go along with Pakistani Muslims. If Indian establishment develops some doubts about its perception of Kashmir, the doubts are removed by some pro establishment intellectuals. These so called intellectuals have throughout survived on the crumbs thrown from higher echelons of power. They convince the Indian establishment that Kashmiri Islam in unique because Kashmiri Muslim rituals are different from those practised elsewhere. Kashmiris have little to do with politics and all the politicized Islam has been imported to Kashmir by foreign militants. Indian mass media readily accepted this version and keep highlighting it through different channels of mass communication. They do this even though their own official figures, reveal that seventy five percent of the militants killed in Kashmir are locals.
Islam in Kashmir has never been apolitical. The first preacher of Islam in Kashmir was also a great statesman. Despite his attachment to Kubravi Silsila of mysticism Syed Ali Hamdani made beginning of the Islamic politics in Kashmir by writing a magnificent treatise on the subject. Sultan-ul-Arifeen Sheikh Hamzah Makhdoom Shahib was instrumental in getting Kashmir annexed to Mughal empire. He too was a Sufi. Every political movement of modern Kashmir has been directly or indirectly associated with Mirwaiz family. It is this family which represents unique features of Islamic heritage of Kashmir.
It is better for India that its establishment becomes a bit objective, reads the writing on wall and resorts to resolution of Kashmir dispute. The facts may unfold themselves in a much more crude manner and Indian media at that time will have no option but to review its presumptions about Kashmir. In recent past it had to do the same in context of its assessments relating to Muhajirs of Karachi. After assumption of power by General Musharaff, Doordarshan no more projects Muhajirs as a suffocated minority, a group oppressed by Punjabis. Simply because Muhajirs rule Pakistan now and are more rigid towards India. The basic presumption that sufi Islam is passive and purist Islam is aggressive needs to be reassessed.
During the freedom struggle of India it were the purist Devbandis, Huyssain Ahmand Madni
( 1879-1957) and Maulana Azad ( 1888-1958) who sided with Indian National Congress. Sufistic Barallevi’s on the other hand were close to the British and the Muslim League. Muslims may differ with each other relating to various rituals, but once they are confronted politically, their approach transcends their sectarian attachments. Even ultra modern Jinnah (1876-1948) subscribes to and leads on the basis of radical approach at such a juncture.
Indian establishment seems to be one among those. It presumed Pathans to be different from rest of the Muslims. Reason for this presumption was a wish to annex North West Frontier Province. According to Nehru, whosoever controlled Khyber Pass became master of India’s destiny. Despite having a Muslim majority in 1947, NWFP was not allowed to join Pakistan directly. Congress asked for a referendum to ascertain wishes of the Pathans. British imperialists readily obliged India and conducted a referendum in NWFP. India was defeated and Pathans decided to join Pakistan. Anticipating a defeat, Sarhadi Gandhi, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (1890-1988) boycotted the referendum. He wanted the third option for independent Pakhtoonistan. It was neither granted nor accepted by majority of the Pathans. Even after defeat and results contrary to its expectations, Indian believed that Pathans are different from rest of the Muslims and they will secede from Pakistan. For this purpose, they asked Ghaffar Khan to agitate for secession and helped him with money and pamphlets. This help reached Ghaffar Khan through a Kashmiri lady Tajdar Babar. The lady used to shuttle between Baramulla and Peshwar . Mrs. Tajdar Babar was later on rewarded for her services and appointed Chief of Delhi Metropolitian Corporation.
Indian presumption regarding Pathans got erased only after Ayub Khan’s ascendance to power. Ayub Khan belonged to NWFP . He gave sleepless nights to India during 1965 war and made them realistic. “The realism of the Indian establishment however remained confined to reappraisal of their approach towards Pathans. Their approach towards Kashmir did not change. They presumed Kashmiris to be a different breed of Muslims. The group which professes Sufism and are unlikely to go along with Pakistani Muslims. If Indian establishment develops some doubts about its perception of Kashmir, the doubts are removed by some pro establishment intellectuals. These so called intellectuals have throughout survived on the crumbs thrown from higher echelons of power. They convince the Indian establishment that Kashmiri Islam in unique because Kashmiri Muslim rituals are different from those practised elsewhere. Kashmiris have little to do with politics and all the politicized Islam has been imported to Kashmir by foreign militants. Indian mass media readily accepted this version and keep highlighting it through different channels of mass communication. They do this even though their own official figures, reveal that seventy five percent of the militants killed in Kashmir are locals.
Islam in Kashmir has never been apolitical. The first preacher of Islam in Kashmir was also a great statesman. Despite his attachment to Kubravi Silsila of mysticism Syed Ali Hamdani made beginning of the Islamic politics in Kashmir by writing a magnificent treatise on the subject. Sultan-ul-Arifeen Sheikh Hamzah Makhdoom Shahib was instrumental in getting Kashmir annexed to Mughal empire. He too was a Sufi. Every political movement of modern Kashmir has been directly or indirectly associated with Mirwaiz family. It is this family which represents unique features of Islamic heritage of Kashmir.
It is better for India that its establishment becomes a bit objective, reads the writing on wall and resorts to resolution of Kashmir dispute. The facts may unfold themselves in a much more crude manner and Indian media at that time will have no option but to review its presumptions about Kashmir. In recent past it had to do the same in context of its assessments relating to Muhajirs of Karachi. After assumption of power by General Musharaff, Doordarshan no more projects Muhajirs as a suffocated minority, a group oppressed by Punjabis. Simply because Muhajirs rule Pakistan now and are more rigid towards India. The basic presumption that sufi Islam is passive and purist Islam is aggressive needs to be reassessed.
During the freedom struggle of India it were the purist Devbandis, Huyssain Ahmand Madni
( 1879-1957) and Maulana Azad ( 1888-1958) who sided with Indian National Congress. Sufistic Barallevi’s on the other hand were close to the British and the Muslim League. Muslims may differ with each other relating to various rituals, but once they are confronted politically, their approach transcends their sectarian attachments. Even ultra modern Jinnah (1876-1948) subscribes to and leads on the basis of radical approach at such a juncture.
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