Right from its inception, Pakistan movement suffered from an error of generalization regarding its approach towards Kashmir. Kashmir was perceived to be homogeneous. Qaid-e-Azam failed to understand difference between ethnic Kashmiris and those who couldn’t speak Kashmiri language and were racially different from inhabitants of the valley. It was on account of this error that he projected Chowdary Ghulam Abass as leader of Muslim conference in Kashmir. Being native of Jammu he could not speak Kashmiri language. On account of this ethnic and linguistic gap, it was impossible for him to overshadow Sheikh Abdullah and his manipulations. Inspite of being Muslim majority area Kashmir could not join Pakistan. The mistake committed by Muslim League in pre-partition days continues to prevail upon the policies of Pakistani government even after creation of Pakistan. In earlier years Kashmiri leaders of the valley origin could influence this policy to some extent. Domination of army in Pakistan with the ascendance of Ayub Khan to power marginalized Kashmiri speaking leaders. People of Azad Kashmir origin on account of sizeable presence in army became sole architects of Kashmir policy of Pakistan. Pakistani establishment being dominated by Punjabis who are racially and linguistically closer to residents of Punch and Jammu was also guided by these people in respect of their Kashmir policy. Pakistani ruling elite were unable to understand the difference between Kashmiris of the valley and Kashmiris of Azad Kashmir. Operation Gibraltar of 1965 could not be sustained because it was wholly managed and executed by people from Azad Kashmir. Once they came to Kashmir they were easily identified and could not do much. Even after 1965, instead of evaluating their own approach Pakistanis usually found fault with Kashmiris for failure of operation Gibraltar. Apithus and other Punjabi jokes about Kashmiris added an aroma to this campaign of maligning people of the valley. Marginalization of Kashmiris was further compounded by death of Mirwaiz Yousuf Shah
It was Mir Abdul Aziz who single handedly fought against this misunderstanding through out his journalistic and political career. Mir Abdul Aziz was born at Rambagh, Srinagar on 13th January 1923 graduated from Punjab University Lahore. He worked as a columnist in Hamdard and Edited Johar and Millat in pre-partition days. On account of his association with Muslim students Federation and pro-League views he was banished from the state after 1947 along with Mirwaiz Maulana Yousuf Shah and Mr. Prem Nath Bazaz. During his last days in valley Mir Abdul Aziz along with Abdul Salam Yatoo of Dialgam(Islamabad) started Kissan Mazdoor Conference. Those associated with this organization were influenced by ideology of MN Roy(radical humanist). All the radicals of those were supporters of Pakistan movement irrespective of their religion and creed. He started Awaz-e-Haq weekly in Rawalpindi and remained secretary general of Muslim Conference and Liberation League for some time. Through his paper and within these organizations he consistently fought against the erroneous approach of Pakistani government towards Kashmir. He made it clear that unless Kashmir policy of Pakistan is centered around the inhabitants of the valley it is unlikely to succeed. Mir Abdul Aziz managed to convince Shardar Ibrahim Khan and a sizeable section of Muslim Conference supporters. On account of this Choudry Ghulam Abass felt uneasy and scared about his position in Azad Kashmir. He mislead field Marshall Ayaub Khan against Mir Abdul Aziz. In 1958 his paper Awaz-e-Haq was banned and he was arrested under Defense of Pakistan Rules for nine months. On his release, he along with late Maqbool Bhat established Mahaze-Rai-Shumari in Azad Kashmir and Pakistan. Mir Abdul Aziz was its secretary General and Maqbool Bhat its president. He parted ways with Maqbool soon after he discovered that Maqbool was using his position to create JKLF without taking other colleagues into confidence.
Mir Abdul Aziz favored an active militant movement for achieving the right to self determination as a last option when all other means have been exhausted. Nevertheless, he supported present insurgency once it erupted. When questioned about this views, he would often refer to an advice that Qaid-e-Azam had tendered to him and his fellow students in Muslim students Federation in a houseboat near Lal Mandi during Jinnah’s visit to Kashmir. Jinnah, told them to always sharpen the knives and never throw them. He adhered to this advice until his death. These views of Jinnah might have been relevant in context of British imperialism their validity in context of forces of oppression that Kashmiris are facing can be debated.
The debacle of 71 made Pakistani establishment more objective. They started to evaluate their failures and achievements in a more rational way. This made them receptive to the views of Mir Abdul Aziz. Once their were rid of their defeatist mentality through their success in Afghanistan they started to plan revival of Kashmir issue in a better way. This time the policy was valley centric and oriented towards involvement of ethnic Kashmiris. The paradigm shift paid its dividends. As compared to operation Gibraltar which fizzed out within day, present insurgency is continuing for more than one and a half decade. Sole reason for this success is the idea that any movement in Kashmir should involve people from the valley and not be centered around those who live beyond the valley and have influence over high echelons of power in Islamabad.
Mir Abdul Aziz was a staunch believer of two nation theory but at the same time conscious about his identity as a Kashmiri. He often said, the way Hindus and Muslims are two nations, same way kashmiri Muslims and Muslims of Indo Pak Subcontinent are two different entities. For achieving our objective we should not over look either of these facts. He favored an autonomous Kashmir within the federation of Pakistan. His own papers Insaf and Awaze-Haq only project a myopic view of his personality. In order to have full appreciation of his views one should go through his writings in The Pakistan Times, The Muslim, Frontier Post, Mag and other English papers and journals of Pakistan. It was on account of these English writings that he could often influence Pakistan ruling elite. Another important facet of his personality was his Kashmiri poetry most often related to political themes. If compiled right from his association with Hamdard to his last edited issue of Insaf it can provide a comprehensive poetic narration of contemporary Kashmir political history. He was well aware of his Kashmiri roots and remained attached to them until his death. He perceived Syed Ali Hamadani to be the fountain head of Kashmiri heritage and had a great reverence for him. As founder secretary of Shahi Hamdan foundation he paid several visits to the grave of Ameer-e-Kabir in Khtalan. On account of his untiring journalistic pursuits former information minister of Pakistan once described him as a man information brigade on Kashmir. Inspite of his ailing health he continued to write until he was overtaken by the disease and fell into coma for last three days of his life. During these days the darker side of his life over shadowed him. He whispered several times trying to communicate something to his children in Kashmiri but they could not understand it because he had never taught them his mother tongue.
Nagmai Noubahar Agar Mere Naseeb Mein Na Ho.
Is Dame Neem Soz Ko Tairi Nou Bahar Kar (Iqbal)
What Iqbal aspired in this verse for himself in the context of global ummatic renaissance, Mir Abdul Aziz had same aspirations in local context with regard to emancipation of Kashmiri Muslims. Although he was not destined to see the dawn of freedom of Kashmir, yet he wrote for it and lived for it until the last breath of his life.
It was Mir Abdul Aziz who single handedly fought against this misunderstanding through out his journalistic and political career. Mir Abdul Aziz was born at Rambagh, Srinagar on 13th January 1923 graduated from Punjab University Lahore. He worked as a columnist in Hamdard and Edited Johar and Millat in pre-partition days. On account of his association with Muslim students Federation and pro-League views he was banished from the state after 1947 along with Mirwaiz Maulana Yousuf Shah and Mr. Prem Nath Bazaz. During his last days in valley Mir Abdul Aziz along with Abdul Salam Yatoo of Dialgam(Islamabad) started Kissan Mazdoor Conference. Those associated with this organization were influenced by ideology of MN Roy(radical humanist). All the radicals of those were supporters of Pakistan movement irrespective of their religion and creed. He started Awaz-e-Haq weekly in Rawalpindi and remained secretary general of Muslim Conference and Liberation League for some time. Through his paper and within these organizations he consistently fought against the erroneous approach of Pakistani government towards Kashmir. He made it clear that unless Kashmir policy of Pakistan is centered around the inhabitants of the valley it is unlikely to succeed. Mir Abdul Aziz managed to convince Shardar Ibrahim Khan and a sizeable section of Muslim Conference supporters. On account of this Choudry Ghulam Abass felt uneasy and scared about his position in Azad Kashmir. He mislead field Marshall Ayaub Khan against Mir Abdul Aziz. In 1958 his paper Awaz-e-Haq was banned and he was arrested under Defense of Pakistan Rules for nine months. On his release, he along with late Maqbool Bhat established Mahaze-Rai-Shumari in Azad Kashmir and Pakistan. Mir Abdul Aziz was its secretary General and Maqbool Bhat its president. He parted ways with Maqbool soon after he discovered that Maqbool was using his position to create JKLF without taking other colleagues into confidence.
Mir Abdul Aziz favored an active militant movement for achieving the right to self determination as a last option when all other means have been exhausted. Nevertheless, he supported present insurgency once it erupted. When questioned about this views, he would often refer to an advice that Qaid-e-Azam had tendered to him and his fellow students in Muslim students Federation in a houseboat near Lal Mandi during Jinnah’s visit to Kashmir. Jinnah, told them to always sharpen the knives and never throw them. He adhered to this advice until his death. These views of Jinnah might have been relevant in context of British imperialism their validity in context of forces of oppression that Kashmiris are facing can be debated.
The debacle of 71 made Pakistani establishment more objective. They started to evaluate their failures and achievements in a more rational way. This made them receptive to the views of Mir Abdul Aziz. Once their were rid of their defeatist mentality through their success in Afghanistan they started to plan revival of Kashmir issue in a better way. This time the policy was valley centric and oriented towards involvement of ethnic Kashmiris. The paradigm shift paid its dividends. As compared to operation Gibraltar which fizzed out within day, present insurgency is continuing for more than one and a half decade. Sole reason for this success is the idea that any movement in Kashmir should involve people from the valley and not be centered around those who live beyond the valley and have influence over high echelons of power in Islamabad.
Mir Abdul Aziz was a staunch believer of two nation theory but at the same time conscious about his identity as a Kashmiri. He often said, the way Hindus and Muslims are two nations, same way kashmiri Muslims and Muslims of Indo Pak Subcontinent are two different entities. For achieving our objective we should not over look either of these facts. He favored an autonomous Kashmir within the federation of Pakistan. His own papers Insaf and Awaze-Haq only project a myopic view of his personality. In order to have full appreciation of his views one should go through his writings in The Pakistan Times, The Muslim, Frontier Post, Mag and other English papers and journals of Pakistan. It was on account of these English writings that he could often influence Pakistan ruling elite. Another important facet of his personality was his Kashmiri poetry most often related to political themes. If compiled right from his association with Hamdard to his last edited issue of Insaf it can provide a comprehensive poetic narration of contemporary Kashmir political history. He was well aware of his Kashmiri roots and remained attached to them until his death. He perceived Syed Ali Hamadani to be the fountain head of Kashmiri heritage and had a great reverence for him. As founder secretary of Shahi Hamdan foundation he paid several visits to the grave of Ameer-e-Kabir in Khtalan. On account of his untiring journalistic pursuits former information minister of Pakistan once described him as a man information brigade on Kashmir. Inspite of his ailing health he continued to write until he was overtaken by the disease and fell into coma for last three days of his life. During these days the darker side of his life over shadowed him. He whispered several times trying to communicate something to his children in Kashmiri but they could not understand it because he had never taught them his mother tongue.
Nagmai Noubahar Agar Mere Naseeb Mein Na Ho.
Is Dame Neem Soz Ko Tairi Nou Bahar Kar (Iqbal)
What Iqbal aspired in this verse for himself in the context of global ummatic renaissance, Mir Abdul Aziz had same aspirations in local context with regard to emancipation of Kashmiri Muslims. Although he was not destined to see the dawn of freedom of Kashmir, yet he wrote for it and lived for it until the last breath of his life.
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