In the first half of this century Kashmir experienced tyranny of dynastic rule. The personality of Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah represented resistance of masses against it. Second half of the century was an era of cultural aggression and democratic despotism. Tools and beneficiaries of this remote controlled Awami-Raj were the ones who were in the forefront of this struggle against dynastic rule. Bakshi, Sadiq, Mir Qasim and Farooq Abdullah are mere extensions of Sheikh Abdullah legacy. The organization of Jamat-I-Islami symbolized Kashmir’s resistance to cultural aggression and democratic autocracy. The ongoing movement for freedom has seen climax of this phenomenon. Impact of Jama’t on this movement is so profound that even those who differ with it couldn’t remain immune to its influence. Sheikh Abdullah and Jamat Islami are thus two established facts of 20th century Kashmir. No serious student of history can afford to overlook this. Compared to them role of all other actors seems to be marginal. Jama’t provided cradle to the ongoing movement at the time of its infancy. It created an atmosphere conducive for its development and rescued it at the time of its crises. For all this, it was victimized unlike any other constituent of the ongoing movement.
Credit for organizing Jammat-i-Islami goes to none other than Mulana Sa’d-u-din. I recently attended a seminar on his life in Ahdoos Hotel. It was marked by nothing other than Qaseeda Khawani, a lavish spending spree and professor Abdul Gani’s rhetorical admixture of fun and pun. This provoked me to write these lines on the life of the late Maulana Sa’d-u-din. He wrote several books and pamphlets on Islam but none of these can be rated as sound scholarly contributions. He was not an outstanding orator nor could argue vehemently with those who joined issue with him. Yet he managed to organize the Jama’t throughout the state against heavy odds.
There were some qualities that contributed to his success. He was devoted to his cause. He was unmindful to public response to his work. I’ ve seen him speaking for more than an hour to a gathering of five persons when people of a locality boycotted his public meeting. Being an educationist he created a network of schools in every part of the state. Through these schools, he managed to convey the message of his ideologue Abul A’la Moududi to remote villages of Jammu and Kashmir. Here he excelled even Moududi. Jamati Islami of Pakistan has not been able to extend its sphere of influence beyond urban middle class. On the contrary Jamati Islami of Kashmir is deeply rooted in the villages of the state. The transformation of Kashmir from a meek exploitable being into a revolutionary one owes a lot to the social engineering to which Moulana Sa’d-u-din resorted through his school network. Sa’d-u-din carved a space for a puristic revivalist organization in a society that was deeply influenced by sufi tradition. He himself was a descendant of a reputed Sufi family. He didn’t lose contact with the Sufi ways even though he headed a purist Islamic Movement. Instead of confronting tradition he used it for the promotion of his ideology. He didn’t forbid people from participating in Sufi rituals like recitation of Aurad-e-Fathiyyah. He translated both Aurad-e-Fathiyya as well as Aurad-e-Qadriyyah and popularized these translations. In doing so he deviated from the orientation of his mentor but created an atmosphere receptive to popularization of Moududian thought. He initiated his career as a teacher and was expelled from his services by Sheikh Abdullah in 1953. He was reinstated by Bakshi soon after he took over as Prime-Minister. He however couldn’t adjust with the state administration and resigned from his services. During the tenure of Syed Mir Qasim he was again offered to join the government services but he refused.
He was a very efficient organizer but not a political leader as the term is understood nowadays. His contribution to Kashmir politics nevertheless continued in his capacity as Amir of Jamati Islami. This started from that juncture of history when he decided to part ways with Jamati Islami Hind and organize Kashmir Jamat as an independent organization. Reason for parting ways with Indian Jamat was not ideological but political. Jamat-e-Islami Hind wasn’t ready to take up Kashmir issue as its Kashmir Unit wanted it to do. Srinagar city had always retained some pockets of resistance against the forces of status quo which were now represented by different versions of the National Conference. Elsewhere resistance often erupted and vanished as a result of over zealousness of youth and state oppression. Moulana Sa’d-u-din kept on sharpening his knives but never used them in an abortive attempt of confrontation. He didn’t deviate from this strategy even when he met late president Zia-ul-Haq: Contrary to Zia’s estimation of an explosive Islamic activist Saud-u-din proved to be a cool Moulana. Zia had to ask for some hot Kashmiri Qahwa so that ‘heat’ could be generated in the ‘cold’ Moulana. In 1984 he was relieved from the leadership of Jam’at. This was probably because of his inability to respond to the societal and organizational changes that had taken place out of his own efforts.
Thereafter he had an attack of paralysis and remained in seclusion until his death. After him Jam’at got fully involved in Kashmir resistance against the Indian rule and committed its cadres willingly or unwillingly to the militancy once it erupted. Whether Moulana Sa’d-u-din underestimated strength of his organization or those who utilized his cadres for the on going movement were right is a question that history has yet to answer. Jam’at irrespective of pretensions of its leaders is at crossroad at this juncture of history. On one side there is trend of escapism i.e maintaining Jam’at as an Islamised version of Red Cross, taking care of victims of the prevailing situation without getting involved in it. This line of action with potential of attracting huge inputs and no risks is popular with the establishment and beneficiaries of the organization. Apart from converting Jammat into a revered antique, this direction is not going to lead it anywhere. This may also be seen as a betrayal of those who have sacrificed their existence and assets for the sake of Jam’at ideology.
Abstract idealism and exclusive reliance on the literature written in context of India and Pakistan is not also going to help Jam’at beyond a certain point. Principals of Islam are same everywhere but their application varies in different situations of space and time. Harsh realities demand concrete strategies. Sermons of abstract ideals like the one delivered by Syed Ali Geelani in the seminar cannot be an answer to this demand. Concrete strategy does not necessarily mean identification with or distancing from the ongoing movement. It simply needs conceptual orientation of Jam’at activities. Whatever course the organization adopts should seem to be a logical consequence of this strategy and its ideology. Instead of assuming this orientation, the organization seems to be receding into a coma. Jam’at-e-Islami Kashmir has never bothered to define its goals in local context. Adventurism bereft of proper homework has rendered it vulnerable to manipulations. Moulana Sa’d-u-din alongwith other leaders of Jam’at cannot be absolved from the responsibility of this situation. He however deserves the credit of accommodating the diverse shades of opinion. Differences might have existed in Jam’at during his leadership as well. The divergence however didn’t degenerate into a Bazari discourse like the one that was seen in the media recently.
Credit for organizing Jammat-i-Islami goes to none other than Mulana Sa’d-u-din. I recently attended a seminar on his life in Ahdoos Hotel. It was marked by nothing other than Qaseeda Khawani, a lavish spending spree and professor Abdul Gani’s rhetorical admixture of fun and pun. This provoked me to write these lines on the life of the late Maulana Sa’d-u-din. He wrote several books and pamphlets on Islam but none of these can be rated as sound scholarly contributions. He was not an outstanding orator nor could argue vehemently with those who joined issue with him. Yet he managed to organize the Jama’t throughout the state against heavy odds.
There were some qualities that contributed to his success. He was devoted to his cause. He was unmindful to public response to his work. I’ ve seen him speaking for more than an hour to a gathering of five persons when people of a locality boycotted his public meeting. Being an educationist he created a network of schools in every part of the state. Through these schools, he managed to convey the message of his ideologue Abul A’la Moududi to remote villages of Jammu and Kashmir. Here he excelled even Moududi. Jamati Islami of Pakistan has not been able to extend its sphere of influence beyond urban middle class. On the contrary Jamati Islami of Kashmir is deeply rooted in the villages of the state. The transformation of Kashmir from a meek exploitable being into a revolutionary one owes a lot to the social engineering to which Moulana Sa’d-u-din resorted through his school network. Sa’d-u-din carved a space for a puristic revivalist organization in a society that was deeply influenced by sufi tradition. He himself was a descendant of a reputed Sufi family. He didn’t lose contact with the Sufi ways even though he headed a purist Islamic Movement. Instead of confronting tradition he used it for the promotion of his ideology. He didn’t forbid people from participating in Sufi rituals like recitation of Aurad-e-Fathiyyah. He translated both Aurad-e-Fathiyya as well as Aurad-e-Qadriyyah and popularized these translations. In doing so he deviated from the orientation of his mentor but created an atmosphere receptive to popularization of Moududian thought. He initiated his career as a teacher and was expelled from his services by Sheikh Abdullah in 1953. He was reinstated by Bakshi soon after he took over as Prime-Minister. He however couldn’t adjust with the state administration and resigned from his services. During the tenure of Syed Mir Qasim he was again offered to join the government services but he refused.
He was a very efficient organizer but not a political leader as the term is understood nowadays. His contribution to Kashmir politics nevertheless continued in his capacity as Amir of Jamati Islami. This started from that juncture of history when he decided to part ways with Jamati Islami Hind and organize Kashmir Jamat as an independent organization. Reason for parting ways with Indian Jamat was not ideological but political. Jamat-e-Islami Hind wasn’t ready to take up Kashmir issue as its Kashmir Unit wanted it to do. Srinagar city had always retained some pockets of resistance against the forces of status quo which were now represented by different versions of the National Conference. Elsewhere resistance often erupted and vanished as a result of over zealousness of youth and state oppression. Moulana Sa’d-u-din kept on sharpening his knives but never used them in an abortive attempt of confrontation. He didn’t deviate from this strategy even when he met late president Zia-ul-Haq: Contrary to Zia’s estimation of an explosive Islamic activist Saud-u-din proved to be a cool Moulana. Zia had to ask for some hot Kashmiri Qahwa so that ‘heat’ could be generated in the ‘cold’ Moulana. In 1984 he was relieved from the leadership of Jam’at. This was probably because of his inability to respond to the societal and organizational changes that had taken place out of his own efforts.
Thereafter he had an attack of paralysis and remained in seclusion until his death. After him Jam’at got fully involved in Kashmir resistance against the Indian rule and committed its cadres willingly or unwillingly to the militancy once it erupted. Whether Moulana Sa’d-u-din underestimated strength of his organization or those who utilized his cadres for the on going movement were right is a question that history has yet to answer. Jam’at irrespective of pretensions of its leaders is at crossroad at this juncture of history. On one side there is trend of escapism i.e maintaining Jam’at as an Islamised version of Red Cross, taking care of victims of the prevailing situation without getting involved in it. This line of action with potential of attracting huge inputs and no risks is popular with the establishment and beneficiaries of the organization. Apart from converting Jammat into a revered antique, this direction is not going to lead it anywhere. This may also be seen as a betrayal of those who have sacrificed their existence and assets for the sake of Jam’at ideology.
Abstract idealism and exclusive reliance on the literature written in context of India and Pakistan is not also going to help Jam’at beyond a certain point. Principals of Islam are same everywhere but their application varies in different situations of space and time. Harsh realities demand concrete strategies. Sermons of abstract ideals like the one delivered by Syed Ali Geelani in the seminar cannot be an answer to this demand. Concrete strategy does not necessarily mean identification with or distancing from the ongoing movement. It simply needs conceptual orientation of Jam’at activities. Whatever course the organization adopts should seem to be a logical consequence of this strategy and its ideology. Instead of assuming this orientation, the organization seems to be receding into a coma. Jam’at-e-Islami Kashmir has never bothered to define its goals in local context. Adventurism bereft of proper homework has rendered it vulnerable to manipulations. Moulana Sa’d-u-din alongwith other leaders of Jam’at cannot be absolved from the responsibility of this situation. He however deserves the credit of accommodating the diverse shades of opinion. Differences might have existed in Jam’at during his leadership as well. The divergence however didn’t degenerate into a Bazari discourse like the one that was seen in the media recently.
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