Britishers decided to divide Bengal towards the end of nineteenth century. Indian National Congress opposed the partition. Undivided Bengal was dominated by Hindus. Muslims inspite of being in Majority remained an exploited lot. Muslims supported the partition as they perceived it to be a way of getting rid of the oppression to which Hindu zaminders and money lenders were subjecting them. Bengali nationalism was used an argument against this partition. In 1947, when Britishers decided to partition India, allowing Muslim majority provinces to join Pakistan, it was Indian National Congress which demanded partition of Bengal & Punjab. It abdicated the slogan of Bengali nationalism inspite of the fact that local leaders of Bengal were inclined to remain united. Partition of Bengal in 1947 suited strategy of the Congress to get as many areas associated with India as possible. While demanding partition of Bengal, Congress forgot everything about shared values and culture of Bengalis. Bengali nationalism was however revived in the East Pakistan with active support of the Indian state. It served as a potent weapon for disintegration of Pakistan and provided ideological foundation for creation of Bangladesh. Negative fallout of Bengali nationalism within West Bengal was however contained through cultivation of Marxism over there.
The way Congress demanded partition of Bengal, it demanded of partition of Punjab in 1947. Indian leaders were scared that whole of Punjab being a Muslim majority province may become part of new state of Pakistan. The shared values of Punjabis were again highlighted after 1947 to denounce the Sikh demand of Punjabi Suba and Khalistan. Once Sikhs managed to get a Punjabi Subha, Hindus of Punjab started to assert their separate identity. Inspite of being Punjabis, they enrolled themselves as Hindi speaking people within the census records. This was done to block the use of Punjabi as a regional language. Punjabi Hindus also proceeded to Supreme Court of India against the use of Punjabi as a medium of instruction in Guru Nanak Dev University. Punjabiyat thus remained a slogan as long as it suited the interest of the dominant group as soon as it outlived this utility Punjabiyat was abandoned.
In 1947 Indian National Congress was under the illusion that Muslims of the North West Frontier Province would opt for India. They had magnified estimation of Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan’s influence over Pathans. Congress leaders demanded a plebiscite in NWFP so that people of this province avail a choice to join India or Pakistan. When Sarhadi Gandhi realised that Pathans are unlikely to vote for India, he demanded a third option of Pushtunistan as well. As this demand was not conceded, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan boycotted the referendum and Pathans voted for Pakistan. Recourse to Pushtun identity was made when Indian Nationalism was perceived to be undefendable. Even after the partition, Indian State indirectly patronized Pushtun Nationalism for a long time without any success.
The instances of Indian attitude towards local Nationalism of Punjab, Bengal & NWFP have been mentioned to draw parallels between similar attempts in Kashmir. Kashmiriyat as the basis of a solution to the Kashmir problem is being promoted at various levels nowadays. The idea was first propounded by Governor of the State and subsequently repeated several times by the Indian Prime Minister and others. One wonders how Kashmiriyat finds favour with those who have been emasculating Kashmir identity.
New generations of Kashmir stand alienated from Kashmiri language through cultural annihilation. The Landmarks of Kashmiri architecture have been erased. Those which exist remained defaced. Shawls of Amritsar and silk of Bangalore has been promoted at the cost of Kashmiri silk and shawls that symbolised Kashmiri identity. Those segments of the Kashmiri society which acted as agents and instruments of the status quo within the local population were made to abandon Kashmiri Culture. They used Nagri Script for Kashmiri language, shed the local dress for sari and even opted Indian names instead of their traditional ones. After failing to curb the alienation of Kashmiri masses, local identity is again being used as a last weapon to perpetuate the status quo. Kashmiryat is projected to serve various objectives. It serves a proxy for Indian Nationalism, where the later becomes undefendable. Secondly, it facilitates confinement of the dispute to Kashmiri speaking areas of the state. A dispute that encompasses an area of more than 220,000 sq. kms becomes a problem of merely an area of 15,948 square kilometers. Since Kashmiryat is a common thread only between the communities living in Kashmir Valley and not those living beyond it, a solution on the basis of Kashmiryat thus makes people of Poonch, Rajouri, Doda and Kargil irrelevant to any discourse relating to a solution based on this reasoning. It is obvious that like Punjab, Bengal and Pushtun identities, Kashmiriyat is continuously being used as a tool to serve the Indian National interests. Divide and rule has been a favourite tool of subjugation throughout the world. It is probably for this reason that the slogan of Kashmiryat is not finding favour even among Kashmiri nationalists like Amman-ullah Khan and Yasin Malik.
The way Congress demanded partition of Bengal, it demanded of partition of Punjab in 1947. Indian leaders were scared that whole of Punjab being a Muslim majority province may become part of new state of Pakistan. The shared values of Punjabis were again highlighted after 1947 to denounce the Sikh demand of Punjabi Suba and Khalistan. Once Sikhs managed to get a Punjabi Subha, Hindus of Punjab started to assert their separate identity. Inspite of being Punjabis, they enrolled themselves as Hindi speaking people within the census records. This was done to block the use of Punjabi as a regional language. Punjabi Hindus also proceeded to Supreme Court of India against the use of Punjabi as a medium of instruction in Guru Nanak Dev University. Punjabiyat thus remained a slogan as long as it suited the interest of the dominant group as soon as it outlived this utility Punjabiyat was abandoned.
In 1947 Indian National Congress was under the illusion that Muslims of the North West Frontier Province would opt for India. They had magnified estimation of Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan’s influence over Pathans. Congress leaders demanded a plebiscite in NWFP so that people of this province avail a choice to join India or Pakistan. When Sarhadi Gandhi realised that Pathans are unlikely to vote for India, he demanded a third option of Pushtunistan as well. As this demand was not conceded, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan boycotted the referendum and Pathans voted for Pakistan. Recourse to Pushtun identity was made when Indian Nationalism was perceived to be undefendable. Even after the partition, Indian State indirectly patronized Pushtun Nationalism for a long time without any success.
The instances of Indian attitude towards local Nationalism of Punjab, Bengal & NWFP have been mentioned to draw parallels between similar attempts in Kashmir. Kashmiriyat as the basis of a solution to the Kashmir problem is being promoted at various levels nowadays. The idea was first propounded by Governor of the State and subsequently repeated several times by the Indian Prime Minister and others. One wonders how Kashmiriyat finds favour with those who have been emasculating Kashmir identity.
New generations of Kashmir stand alienated from Kashmiri language through cultural annihilation. The Landmarks of Kashmiri architecture have been erased. Those which exist remained defaced. Shawls of Amritsar and silk of Bangalore has been promoted at the cost of Kashmiri silk and shawls that symbolised Kashmiri identity. Those segments of the Kashmiri society which acted as agents and instruments of the status quo within the local population were made to abandon Kashmiri Culture. They used Nagri Script for Kashmiri language, shed the local dress for sari and even opted Indian names instead of their traditional ones. After failing to curb the alienation of Kashmiri masses, local identity is again being used as a last weapon to perpetuate the status quo. Kashmiryat is projected to serve various objectives. It serves a proxy for Indian Nationalism, where the later becomes undefendable. Secondly, it facilitates confinement of the dispute to Kashmiri speaking areas of the state. A dispute that encompasses an area of more than 220,000 sq. kms becomes a problem of merely an area of 15,948 square kilometers. Since Kashmiryat is a common thread only between the communities living in Kashmir Valley and not those living beyond it, a solution on the basis of Kashmiryat thus makes people of Poonch, Rajouri, Doda and Kargil irrelevant to any discourse relating to a solution based on this reasoning. It is obvious that like Punjab, Bengal and Pushtun identities, Kashmiriyat is continuously being used as a tool to serve the Indian National interests. Divide and rule has been a favourite tool of subjugation throughout the world. It is probably for this reason that the slogan of Kashmiryat is not finding favour even among Kashmiri nationalists like Amman-ullah Khan and Yasin Malik.
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