An angry youth who was denied opportunity of becoming a lecturer wanted to take revenge from the despot who ruled the princely state, Jammu and Kashmir. His classmate, a Kashmiri pandit did enjoy this privilege. His courage and charisma led his oppressed nation to see a ray of hope in him and elevated him to the level of leadership during the events that followed, the massacre of 13 July, 1931. He was patronized by the religious leadership of his times and provided platforms within mosques and shrines of Srinagar. Once the society got mobilized and started to rally behind him, Kashmiri Muslims established their first ever political party, the Muslim Conference and started a sustained movement against Maharaja Hari Singh. Some Kashmiri Brahmans getting scared about their future got inclined towards joining the bandwagon of political mobilization. It was a similar step as was taken by Brahmans of U.P. when they voted for Mayawati in recent elections to the state assembly. Pandit Prem Nath Bazaz motivated him to transform the Muslim Conference into National Conference in order to enable them to join it. The struggle which previously concentrated on economic emancipation of a community was hijacked by the beneficiaries of status quo. It got closer to Indian National Congress. Sheikh Abdullah and Prem Nath Bazaz parted ways and Moulana Mohd Syed Masoodi became the sole ideologue of National Conference. He was follower of Moulana Hussain Ahmad Madni and Moulana Azad. The only Kashmiri who was Indian nationalist by conviction motivated Sheikh to orient National Conference as a local extension of Indian National Congress. Sheikh Abdullah launched Quit Kashmir Movement on the pattern of Quit India slogan of Indian National Congress. Some people within the valley got swayed by his new postures whereas Muslims in other parts of the state remained attached to the Muslim Conference. While he and his party were harvesting repercussions of his Quit Kashmir Movement, subcontinent got divided on the lines of religion. Muslim majority areas became Pakistan whereas Hindu dominated areas remained within India. Sheikh Abdullah was not ready for this eventuality. He motivated the reluctant local ruler, Maharaja Hari Singh to accede to India. As a result of this decision, Indian army landed in Kashmir. Within a day of its landing, Sheikh Sahib could feel fallacy of his decision when the army resorted to indiscriminate killing of Kashmiris around Rambagh bridge. Sheikh repented for his mistake, tried to rethink, but it was too late. He was sacked from ‘Prime Ministership’ and put behind the bars for his alleged involvement in a conspiracy against Indian occupation of Kashmir. The ‘Prime Minister’ of Kashmir was detained by an SHO, tried for conspiracies and released for brief intervals in 1957 and 1964. His long ordeal with jails ended in 1967. During whole of this period he patronized Jammu and Kashmir Plebiscite Front and boycotted all elections. Creation of Bangladesh in 1971 reinvigorated a nationalist within Sheikh Abdullah. He proceeded for a compromise with New Delhi, overlooking his dethronement, imprisonment and sacrifices offered by thousands of Kashmiris. He proceeded for a compromise with Indira Gandhi, although it was she and her father who had betrayed him and Kashmiris as a nation. Sheikh Abdullah became chief minister of Kashmir and died as cheap minister in 1982.
Frequent U-turns and somersaults reflected a wavering and divided personality of Sheikh Abdullah. He was a Muslim when he joined Muslim Conference, became a nationalist when he transformed it into National Conference. He acceded to India on account of his secularist bent of mind. He resorted to land reforms on account of his socialist leanings. On seeing the reality of Indian secularism, he got allergic towards it and resorted to patronization of secessionist movement in the name of Mahaz-e-Rai Shumari (1955 to 1975). He never abandoned using of Quranic recitation at religious shrines for promoting his secularist agenda. His divided personality led to division of Kashmir. Kashmir continues to be divided and bleeding on account of his mistakes and misadventures. He on occasions donned the mental of a socialist, a communist, a nationalist, a separatist, a secularist, leading the present generation of Kashmir to perceive him as a simple opportunist, who never stood for anything nor delivered anything to his nation, apart from land reforms. The scenario in which Kashmiri finds himself at this juncture is that he continues to be divided between different entities, liked and hated at the same time. Kashmiri is perceived to be indispensable and humiliated at the same time. This is nothing but reflection of the mess within which Sheikh landed his nation. He is the most hated personality of present generation of Kashmiris. The hate and anger at times inflated to such a degree that his grave had to be secured by paramilitary forces.
Sheikh Sahib fought against despotism, but ruled Kashmir like a despot. It was he during whose tenure election was held only for two seats of constituent assembly, whereas seventy three out of seventy five members were declared elected uncontested. He made it a point to banish every individual whom he perceived to be opposed to his views. Scores of intellectuals, which included Mirwaiz Mohd Yousuf Shah, Choudhary Ghulam Abbas, K.H. Khurshid, Mohd Yousuf Buch, Abdul Salam Itoo, Prem Nath Bazaz and Jagar Nath Sathoo were banished and imprisoned by him for their simple fault of opposing his decision to accede to India. He was ruthless towards his opponents. His ruthlessness continued even during his tenure as chief minister from 1975 onwards. He anticipated to get elected uncontested in after his compromise when Jamaat-e-Islami made Ashraf Sehrai to contest against him, he retaliated by facilitating extension of emergency imposed by Indira Gandhi to Jammu and Kashmir. He banned 600 schools of Jamaat-e-Islami, played with the carrier of ten thousand students, studying within these. Taking advantage of hanging of Z.A. Bhutto, it was during Sheikh’s tenure that properties worth crores were devastated by NC Cadres. Ruthlessness of Sheikh Abdullah made people non expressive before him. In 1953 prior to his dethronement he enjoyed support of all the 75 members of the Constituent Assembly. Soon after his dethronement all of them switched their loyalties towards Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, who succeeded Sheikh Abdullah as prime minister. The way he was betrayed, same way he too betrayed his lifelong friend and colleague, Mirza Afzal Beigh. In order to pave way for his progeny, he parted ways with him and facilitated ascendance of Farooq Abdullah to power. By creating a family rule, Sheikh depicted his dual personality again. He fought the dynastic rule of maharaja but sought to create his own dynasty through appointment of Farooq Abdullah as president of National Conference. It is unfortunate that in spite of continuing upheavals, NC continues to adhere to its beaten track, little realizing that double talk, indifference to people’s aspirations can lead it to anywhere except the same situation that it faced in early nineties, when its leaders found little space within Kashmir and its workers were scared of their lives.
Frequent U-turns and somersaults reflected a wavering and divided personality of Sheikh Abdullah. He was a Muslim when he joined Muslim Conference, became a nationalist when he transformed it into National Conference. He acceded to India on account of his secularist bent of mind. He resorted to land reforms on account of his socialist leanings. On seeing the reality of Indian secularism, he got allergic towards it and resorted to patronization of secessionist movement in the name of Mahaz-e-Rai Shumari (1955 to 1975). He never abandoned using of Quranic recitation at religious shrines for promoting his secularist agenda. His divided personality led to division of Kashmir. Kashmir continues to be divided and bleeding on account of his mistakes and misadventures. He on occasions donned the mental of a socialist, a communist, a nationalist, a separatist, a secularist, leading the present generation of Kashmir to perceive him as a simple opportunist, who never stood for anything nor delivered anything to his nation, apart from land reforms. The scenario in which Kashmiri finds himself at this juncture is that he continues to be divided between different entities, liked and hated at the same time. Kashmiri is perceived to be indispensable and humiliated at the same time. This is nothing but reflection of the mess within which Sheikh landed his nation. He is the most hated personality of present generation of Kashmiris. The hate and anger at times inflated to such a degree that his grave had to be secured by paramilitary forces.
Sheikh Sahib fought against despotism, but ruled Kashmir like a despot. It was he during whose tenure election was held only for two seats of constituent assembly, whereas seventy three out of seventy five members were declared elected uncontested. He made it a point to banish every individual whom he perceived to be opposed to his views. Scores of intellectuals, which included Mirwaiz Mohd Yousuf Shah, Choudhary Ghulam Abbas, K.H. Khurshid, Mohd Yousuf Buch, Abdul Salam Itoo, Prem Nath Bazaz and Jagar Nath Sathoo were banished and imprisoned by him for their simple fault of opposing his decision to accede to India. He was ruthless towards his opponents. His ruthlessness continued even during his tenure as chief minister from 1975 onwards. He anticipated to get elected uncontested in after his compromise when Jamaat-e-Islami made Ashraf Sehrai to contest against him, he retaliated by facilitating extension of emergency imposed by Indira Gandhi to Jammu and Kashmir. He banned 600 schools of Jamaat-e-Islami, played with the carrier of ten thousand students, studying within these. Taking advantage of hanging of Z.A. Bhutto, it was during Sheikh’s tenure that properties worth crores were devastated by NC Cadres. Ruthlessness of Sheikh Abdullah made people non expressive before him. In 1953 prior to his dethronement he enjoyed support of all the 75 members of the Constituent Assembly. Soon after his dethronement all of them switched their loyalties towards Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, who succeeded Sheikh Abdullah as prime minister. The way he was betrayed, same way he too betrayed his lifelong friend and colleague, Mirza Afzal Beigh. In order to pave way for his progeny, he parted ways with him and facilitated ascendance of Farooq Abdullah to power. By creating a family rule, Sheikh depicted his dual personality again. He fought the dynastic rule of maharaja but sought to create his own dynasty through appointment of Farooq Abdullah as president of National Conference. It is unfortunate that in spite of continuing upheavals, NC continues to adhere to its beaten track, little realizing that double talk, indifference to people’s aspirations can lead it to anywhere except the same situation that it faced in early nineties, when its leaders found little space within Kashmir and its workers were scared of their lives.
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