Ireland is an island in North Atlantic Ocean, lying west of Great Britain. It consists of thirty two counties (districts), out of which twenty six constitute independent republic of Ireland and six the British province of Northern Ireland. Inhabitants of Ireland are predominantly Catholics but Protestants constitute majority in the Northern Ireland. Ireland was conquered by Britishers in twelfth century and was ruled by it for almost eight centuries. Conquest during those days was a legitimate mode of acquisition of territory. Irish people never digested British occupation of the area. As a result of it Britishers had to abandon control over twenty six districts of Ireland in 1922. Britishers however retained the control over six districts on the ground that majority of the inhabitants within these were protestants by faith and wanted to remain with Britain. The minority catholic population did not digest partition of Ireland and made it a point to fight for annexation of the six districts of Northern Ireland with Republic of Ireland. For Catholics of Northern Ireland, the Protestant majority within their area had been created through ethnic cleansing of natives and settlement of Britishers. Problem with Catholics however is that they remain a minority within Northern Ireland. In seventies they resorted to militant means for separation of Northern Ireland from Britain. After a long drawn battle, in 1993, the Irish and British governments made a peace plan to resolve the Northern Ireland issue. Sinn Fein, the political wing of Irish republican army, rejected this agreement. In 1994, however, IRA announced a ceasefire and abandoned use of violence for a while. It resumed use of weapons in 1996. In 1997, Sinn Fein fought elections and IRA declared a ceasefire again in 1997. On 10 April, 1998, Sinn Fein, British government and other Irish groups reached an agreement what is popularly known as Good Friday Agreement. Signing of this agreement led to disintegration of IRA. One faction of IRA continues to oppose the peace process. This agreement was followed by another agreement on October 13, 2006, which is known as Saint Andrew’s Agreement. Essence of all these agreements is abandonment of military means for forcing a solution. Parties agreed upon a framework solution which is based on recognition of right of self determination as an ultimate mode of ascertaining the status of the territory. Joint control, demilitarization and self governance as interim arrangements until the issue is finally resolved. Joint control gives option to the natives to opt for either Irish or British passport. The movement between two parts of Ireland is free. Both the currencies can be used within the territory. Even Britishers have circulated a special currency for the area.
For past so many years, an interest has been shown in Irish way of resolution by many quarters in Kashmir. Even Syed Salahuddin made some positive observations towards Irish model as an interim arrangement while reiterating his stand that ultimate solution of Kashmir problem lies only in the enforcement of UN resolutions relating to self-determination. While going through statement of Salahuddin, I was reminded of a similar statement by the representative of Sinn Fein to a group of visiting Kashmiri, Indian and Pakistani political analysts. He made it clear that Sinn Fein stands for separation of Northern Ireland from Britain and whatever arrangements have been made in the name of peace process doesn’t represent the ultimate destiny of the area.
Prior to acceptance or rejection of the model we need to appreciate similarities and differences between the Irish and the Kashmir situation. The first and foremost difference between the two situations is that British claim on Ireland is based on legitimate mode of annexation. Conquest was legitimate mode when Ireland was conquered. In case of Kashmir occupation remains illegitimate. Kashmir was occupied in an era when self determination is recognized as the only mode of acquisition of an inhabited territory. Kashmiris were promised the same but never allowed to exercise this right. Another important difference between the two situations is that in Northern Ireland majority of the population is in favour of the status quo whereas in Kashmir majority of the population is for separation from India. The majority of Kashmiris want immediate exercise of self determination as deferring its exercise may give advantage to the occupation by tilting the ratio of population in its favor as has happened in the districts of Udhampur, Jammu and Kathua. In case of Ireland it is the secessionist population which wants exercise of right of self determination deferred until the minority gets transformed into majority. Catholics constitute only 47% of the population of Northern Ireland while rest of the inhabitants are Catholics. In Ireland elections have always been fair and credible. In Kashmir elections have always been scandalous. People of Northern Ireland never experienced dethronement of popular govt. as was experienced by Kashmiris in 1953. It is strange that separatist movement of Ireland was exempted by US from the list of terrorist groups whereas so many groups of Kashmir have been brought within this category after 9/11. This probably reflects the Catholic bias of the US politics which until now has not even allowed a non-Catholic to become American president. India perceives Kashmir to be a symbol of its secular polity. It rather perceives it to be a price for remaining secular where as Britishers have no inhibition of the type. The only interest which might have contributed to British policy about Northern Ireland is that it provided a strategic depth to English during the Second World War and the Cold War era. Headquarters of the British navy were located in Northern Ireland during the Second World War. The ratio of Indian army in Kashmir has been disproportionately high as compared to ratio of British army in Ireland. During height of the conflict the number of British army in Northern Ireland didn’t exceed 30,000 whereas after initiation of the peace process, its number has been reduced to 5000. Keeping in view 1.6 million population of Ireland, the ratio of British army over there is 1:320 at present and during turmoil period it was 1:53. In our case the population of 80 lakhs has an army 7.5 lakhs during the times of conflict and 3.5 lakhs during the times of peace. It means the ratio has been 1:25 during peace time and 1:10 at the time of conflict. By Irish standards, after initiation of the peace process in Kashmir the number of Indian soldiers should have gone down to 25,000. In case of Kashmir social tensions between different communities, if they exist at all, are result of political problem. In case of Ireland political problem is result of social polarization between Catholics and Protestants. British political system being a unitary form of administrative setup has not given even as much of dejure autonomy to Northern Ireland as is recognized in context of Kashmir even at present. Northern Ireland is yet aspiring for control over criminal administration of justice. In our case Indian Panel Code and scores of other Indian laws don’t apply. Defacto situation however is altogether different in two places. Northern Ireland has not been emasculated by British civil servants unlike Kashmir where whole of administration is run by imported brigade of IAS officers. The British administration in Northern Ireland is exclusively confined to its Northern Ireland office, whereas locals fully run the local administration and their participation is ensured through list system of elections. Majority can’t dictate the minorities who have a right to veto its decisions.
It is obvious from the preceding elaboration that Irish Peace process consists of a promise for self determination while providing a joint control and self rule as immediate solution. The exercise of right of self determination has been put on back burner for obvious reasons. For Kashmiris there is nothing new in it. Right of self determination for them has been recognized and acknowledged at international level. One of the parties however is not interested in implementing it. The reason for this is an assured defeat to it and an ulterior motive of transforming demography of the state. If we subscribe to Irish model fully and go for consigning the exercise of self determination to cold storage, we may passively contribute to strengthening status quo. Application of same principles to unlike situations results in injustice. Like principles are relevant only to like circumstances.
For past so many years, an interest has been shown in Irish way of resolution by many quarters in Kashmir. Even Syed Salahuddin made some positive observations towards Irish model as an interim arrangement while reiterating his stand that ultimate solution of Kashmir problem lies only in the enforcement of UN resolutions relating to self-determination. While going through statement of Salahuddin, I was reminded of a similar statement by the representative of Sinn Fein to a group of visiting Kashmiri, Indian and Pakistani political analysts. He made it clear that Sinn Fein stands for separation of Northern Ireland from Britain and whatever arrangements have been made in the name of peace process doesn’t represent the ultimate destiny of the area.
Prior to acceptance or rejection of the model we need to appreciate similarities and differences between the Irish and the Kashmir situation. The first and foremost difference between the two situations is that British claim on Ireland is based on legitimate mode of annexation. Conquest was legitimate mode when Ireland was conquered. In case of Kashmir occupation remains illegitimate. Kashmir was occupied in an era when self determination is recognized as the only mode of acquisition of an inhabited territory. Kashmiris were promised the same but never allowed to exercise this right. Another important difference between the two situations is that in Northern Ireland majority of the population is in favour of the status quo whereas in Kashmir majority of the population is for separation from India. The majority of Kashmiris want immediate exercise of self determination as deferring its exercise may give advantage to the occupation by tilting the ratio of population in its favor as has happened in the districts of Udhampur, Jammu and Kathua. In case of Ireland it is the secessionist population which wants exercise of right of self determination deferred until the minority gets transformed into majority. Catholics constitute only 47% of the population of Northern Ireland while rest of the inhabitants are Catholics. In Ireland elections have always been fair and credible. In Kashmir elections have always been scandalous. People of Northern Ireland never experienced dethronement of popular govt. as was experienced by Kashmiris in 1953. It is strange that separatist movement of Ireland was exempted by US from the list of terrorist groups whereas so many groups of Kashmir have been brought within this category after 9/11. This probably reflects the Catholic bias of the US politics which until now has not even allowed a non-Catholic to become American president. India perceives Kashmir to be a symbol of its secular polity. It rather perceives it to be a price for remaining secular where as Britishers have no inhibition of the type. The only interest which might have contributed to British policy about Northern Ireland is that it provided a strategic depth to English during the Second World War and the Cold War era. Headquarters of the British navy were located in Northern Ireland during the Second World War. The ratio of Indian army in Kashmir has been disproportionately high as compared to ratio of British army in Ireland. During height of the conflict the number of British army in Northern Ireland didn’t exceed 30,000 whereas after initiation of the peace process, its number has been reduced to 5000. Keeping in view 1.6 million population of Ireland, the ratio of British army over there is 1:320 at present and during turmoil period it was 1:53. In our case the population of 80 lakhs has an army 7.5 lakhs during the times of conflict and 3.5 lakhs during the times of peace. It means the ratio has been 1:25 during peace time and 1:10 at the time of conflict. By Irish standards, after initiation of the peace process in Kashmir the number of Indian soldiers should have gone down to 25,000. In case of Kashmir social tensions between different communities, if they exist at all, are result of political problem. In case of Ireland political problem is result of social polarization between Catholics and Protestants. British political system being a unitary form of administrative setup has not given even as much of dejure autonomy to Northern Ireland as is recognized in context of Kashmir even at present. Northern Ireland is yet aspiring for control over criminal administration of justice. In our case Indian Panel Code and scores of other Indian laws don’t apply. Defacto situation however is altogether different in two places. Northern Ireland has not been emasculated by British civil servants unlike Kashmir where whole of administration is run by imported brigade of IAS officers. The British administration in Northern Ireland is exclusively confined to its Northern Ireland office, whereas locals fully run the local administration and their participation is ensured through list system of elections. Majority can’t dictate the minorities who have a right to veto its decisions.
It is obvious from the preceding elaboration that Irish Peace process consists of a promise for self determination while providing a joint control and self rule as immediate solution. The exercise of right of self determination has been put on back burner for obvious reasons. For Kashmiris there is nothing new in it. Right of self determination for them has been recognized and acknowledged at international level. One of the parties however is not interested in implementing it. The reason for this is an assured defeat to it and an ulterior motive of transforming demography of the state. If we subscribe to Irish model fully and go for consigning the exercise of self determination to cold storage, we may passively contribute to strengthening status quo. Application of same principles to unlike situations results in injustice. Like principles are relevant only to like circumstances.
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